The main reason for which our Bet-haMiqdash was destroyed was the animosity and divisions among the Jews. The development of these internal conflicts is very complex. Today I will try to present only the most relevant facts and in a brief and concise manner.

As we saw yesterday, after the withdrawal of Casius Galus, the Jews eliminated all the Roman forces from the city, and Jerusalem was now, finally, in the hands of the Jews. But this new situation generated a problem, apparently small, that destroyed the unity and brotherhood among the jews:  Who was going to be the new leader? Unlike what happened in the time of Hanukka, when the Yehudim were all united under the command of Mattatiyahu and his sons, now, once freed from the yoke of Rome, there was no leader whom all Jews would accept.

Let’s look at some examples. Many Yehudim led by the Sadducean Priest Hanan ben Hanan were opposed to fighting against the Romans,  since they thought that there was no possibility of triumph. On the other hand, most of the Jewish people, who had suffered the abuses of the Romans for decades, wanted to fight for their freedom. The leader of the “rebels” was Yohanan miGush Halab, a man from the North of Israel, who had personally experienced the infinite cruelty of the Romans. Yohanan proclaimed himself the leader of the rebellion and ordered to execute any Jews suspected of collaborating with the Romans. To reinforce his army Yohanan invited the Edomites, who had converted to Judaism in the time of the Hashmonayim (200 years ago) to fight alongside his army against Rome. About 20,000 Edomite warriors volunteered, but before they enter Yerushalayim Hanan ben Hanan closed the doors of the city and left them outside. Many Edomites, humiliated, returned to their lands. The next day the men of Yohanan opened the gates of the city, brought the Edomites in and attacked the men of Hanan. Hanan was murdered by the Edomites along with many of his men. According to ​​Josephus, the murder of Hanan marked the beginning of the Jewish civil war.

The divisions among the Jews were just beginning… Taking advantage of the chaos and confusion that this civil war generated, another Jewish leader, Shimon ben Giora, arrived at Yerushalayim with an army of about 12,000 men. Shimon also aspired to be the leader and openly challenged Yohanan miGush Halab. The Edomites, who were increasingly disappointed by the  Yohanan, joined the army of Shimon.

Something else happened: the second most important man in Yohanan’s army, Elazar ben Shimon, separated from Yohanan and led his own militia, confronting Yohanan and Shimon, to lead the rebellion. Each one of these three men dominated a different part of Yerushalayim and their armies fought to death against each other.  These battles lasted for three years and resulted in the deaths of thousands of Jews.

The Gemara in Guitin (56a) says that the Hakhamim of that time, including Rabban Shimon ben Gamilel and Rabban Yohanan ben Zakai, when they saw these fierce internal struggles, understood that it would be impossible to resist and confront the Romans, and suggested surrendering. The rebels, whom the Gemara calls “biryonim”, opposed the Rabbis and in order to force all the Jews to go out and fight the Romans, did the unthinkable: they set fire to the food supplies, warehouses with grain, wood and oil enough to survive a long siege the city. The lack of food brought a terrible famine in Yerushalayim, which claimed the lives of tens of thousands of victims.

Meanwhile in Rome, Emperor Nero sent General Vespasian to put an end to the rebellion of the Jews and regain control of Jerusalem. Vespasian’s men told him about the wars between the Jews and advised him to attack the city as soon as possible. Vespasian refused to attack and explained that the Jews were not making new weapons, reinforcing the fortifications or securing the gates of the city: the Jews were killing one another. And if he assaults the city, the only thing that he would achieve would be to unite the fighting militias.

Sadly, Vespasian was right. The war between Yohanan, Shimon and Elazar only stopped when the Roman army destroyed the city walls and entered Yerushalayim. Only then the three  factions, reluctantly, united to defend the city.

But it was already too late….

(To be continued….)

While the Jewish revolt against Rome culminated with the destruction of our Bet haMiqdash, it also demonstrated the courage and determination of the Jews to fight for an independent Jewish state.

The Great Rebellion, called in Hebrew HAMERED HAGADOL, began in the year 66. The Jews entrenched themselves in the city of Yerushalayim, which was protected by very heavy walls.

However,  Jews did not have a unified front. At the same time as they were fighting against the Roman army, Jews also quarreled among themselves: those who wanted to rebel against Rome, led by Menahem HaGuelili, fought against the Jewish army of Agrippa II and many Sadducees, who refused to rebel against Rome.

Menahem attacked the famous fortress of Metsada (Masada) and took many weapons from the Romans. Now Menahem was using these weapons against Agrippa, who had an army of about 2,000 soldiers. This civil battle lasted for a week, with the victory of Menahem. Menahem also killed the Roman soldiers who were stationed in Jerusalem.

At the same time, a new Jewish commando was organized and led by El’azar son of the Great Priest Hananyia. El’azar ordered that no more sacrifices were offered at Bet HaMiqdash in honor of the Roman emperor. This was a clear sign that the Jews no longer accepted the authority of the Romans and were declaring themselves as an independent state.

In

Yerushalayim the situation was very tense. El’azar confronted Menahem, saying that Menahem behaved like a tyrant. “We do not want to change a tyrant [the emperor of Rome] by another tyrant [Menahem],” El’azar said. El’azar and Menahem’s armies engaged in a battle that ended with the execution of Menahem.

Since in Yerushalayim they were losing the war, the Romans decided to exact revenge killing  the Yehudim who lived in other cities of Israel: Acco, Ashqelon, Caesarea, etc. ​​Josephus Flavius reports that tens of thousands of Yehudim were massacred by the Romans in this period. Rome sent a large army, 40,000 soldiers, under the command of Casius Galus to put an end to the rebellion of Jerusalem. As he was advancing from the north, Casius destroyed and burned down every Jewish city and town he encountered on his way. This brought more support for the revolt against Rome which expanded beyond of Yerushalayim.

When they arrived at Jerusalem, the Romans besieged the city and the soldiers got ready for the assault. The Yehudim were ready to defend the city with their lives. The Romans attacked the city for six consecutive days. They tried to climb the wall with special towers, but the Jews resisted and repelled the attack. Josephus reports that the Romans made a military formation called “the tortoise”, shielding themselves with their shields over their heads from any attack from above the wall, while they struck the city’s walls with terrible blows trying to break the door to to set it on fire. Casius also tried to attack with archers, to weaken the Jewish warriors stationed in the towers of the wall, but the Jews resisted.

For six consecutive days the army of Casius tried everything, but failed to break the Jewish defenses. And then what nobody expected happened.  Casius Galus surprisingly stopped the assault and retreated. Historians are not sure whether this was because Casius underestimated the Jews’ ability to carry on with their rebellion, or because he thought his army was not organized enough. Or perhaps because the Romans did not have the necessary supplies for their army, since the Jewish militias, commanded by another military leader, Shimon ben Giora, were ambushing and destroying the caravans that brought reinforcements and supplies for Casius. This retreat was a true miracle. And as our Sages taught us, if we had remained united, with the help of HaShem, we would never have been defeated.

While the Jews celebrated this miraculous victory, Emperor Nero prepared a new offensive, this time under the leadership of the experienced commander Vespasian.

It is very interesting to see how this victory was reflected in the daily lives of the Jews.  Defeating Casius Galus meant that Jews regained their freedom, and as part of the celebration of this victory they minted a Jewish coin, the sheqel, symbol of the new Jewish autonomy. Roman coins were illustrated with an image of Hercules or other pagan gods. Jewish coins were decorated with a goblet (coin on the left side) , representing the Bet haMiqdash and its sacred objets, or a Lulab, or an Etrog, or a pomegranate (right side), one of the special fruits of the land of Israel.  The text, written in ancient Hebrew, said for example: ALEF LEHERUT TSION, that is to say, “Year 1 of the Independence of Zion”.  In the image above the front of the coin (left side) says: SHEQEL ISRAEL. The other side (right) mentions the place where this coin was minted YERUSHALAYIM QEDOSHA, “Jerusalem, the holy [city].”

(To be continued….)

Yesterday we explained that by the middle of the first century of the common era, the Jews lived under the Roman Empire. The Romans tried incessantly to eliminate Judaism and transform Judea into a “normal” province of the Roman Empire. The aggression of the Romans against the Jews reached its peak in the days of procurator Florus, who ruled Judea from 64 to 66 of the common era. Florus had been appointed by the extravagant and tyrannical Roman emperor Nero, who reigned from 54 to 68.

The master plan of Florus was to plunder the Bet-haMiqdash (Great Temple of Jerusalem) and to steal all its treasures: that is, the sacred objects of the Temple which were made of pure gold. Florus wanted to weaken the Jews and thus breaking their resistance. And he had no scruples to achieve his goals.

In the year 66 Florus arrived at Yerushalayim and stole twelve talents of silver from the Bet haMiqdash, with the excuse that he was acting on behalf of the Roman Emperor. He also demanded that all the Jews of the city should come to bless him and praise him. Many did so out of fear of Florus’s unpredictable reaction. But the next day, Florus demanded that all Jewish leaders who were not there last night should be executed for disrespected him.  Florus ordered his soldiers to attack any Jews they encountered in the streets of Jerusalem. In one day Florus murdered 3,600 Jews: man, women and children. And he ordered his soldiers to  crucify the Jewish leaders alive.

As if this were not enough, Florus summoned the Rabbinic leaders and the Cohanim to come from the Bet haMiqdash and bless him and his army. The Jewish leaders naively agreed to Florus demands hoping this will stop the massacre. But when they approached, Florus army attacked them and killed many of them, crushing them with their horses.  This is when the Great Rebellion of the Jews began. Some historians believe that Florus deliberately provoked the Jews of Jerusalem, knowing that they will eventually rebel. And he planned to use this rebellion as an excuse to destroy and plunder the Bet-haMiqdash

Flavius ​​Josephus writes that the Jewish leader Agrippa II tried to calm down the Jews claiming that the problem was Florus, not the Romans. And that the Jews should ask the Emperor to replace Florus, and they should not rebel against the Roman Empire. That with be a suicidal act, without any possibility of success. But for many Jews it was now a matter of “life or death”: if they did not rebel, they thought, they would be destined to disappear. They had reached a point of no return and the Great Rebellion of the Jews against the Romans was set in motion.

The Romans brought reinforcements from Syria. Rome sent the powerful 12th Legion called “Fulminata.” But before it could reach Jerusalem, this legion was ambushed and destroyed by the Jewish militias led by El’azar ben Shimon at Bet Horon. The Roman leaders wee stunned because they did not think that the Jews could fight with such courage.

In spite of these sporadic victories the Jews did not agree on having a unified leadership, and the different groups were not only divided, they were actually fighting against and killing each other (sinat hinam). This happened, for example, between the Yehudim and the Tsaduquim. This situation was explicitly reported by Ribbi Yohanan in the Jerusalem Talmud (Sanhedrin, chapter 10), saying that the destruction of Yerushalayim and the exile of the Yehudim did not occur until the Jews were divided into 24 different groups. א”ר יוחנן לא גלו ישראל עד שנעשו עשרים וארבע כיתות של מינים.

With so many internal divisions, defeat was inevitable.

(To be continued….)

Last week we explained how it happened that Judea (יהודה = Israel) ceased to be an independent state and was first transformed into a vassal state of Rome and then, at the time of Emperor August,  a Roman province.

Like the Greeks 100 years earlier, Rome tried to end Judaism. Romans encouraged pagans to settle in Israel by exempting them from taxes. Rome also tried to impose their cult. And there was a famous event that exposed the Jewish people virtually to its extinction, in the time of Caligula.

Caligula was the emperor of the Roman empire between the years 37 and 41 of the common era. The eccentricities of this emperor can only be justified by the presumption of mental insanity. Around the year 40 Caligula proclaimed himself a god. He knocked down the head of the statues of Roman idols and replaced them by his own bust. In Rome he built two temples to his worship. And he put his divinity to a test with the Jews. First he command to erect and place his statue in the synagogues of Alexandria, where there was an important Jewish community. The Jews opposed vehemently and even the Roman procurator, Flacus, refused to obligate the Jews to erect Caligul’as statues. Caligula reacted by removing Flacus from his post and having him executed.

Towards the end of the reign of Caligula, a proclamation was sent out for a statue of the Roman Emperor to be built within the Temple walls in Jerusalem. This command broke the Jewish law of idolatry and was therefore rejected and strongly opposed by Jews in Palestine, most notably by the large peasant population. To institute this proclamation newly appointed Procurator of Syria Petronius was sent along with two legions of soldiers to complete the task. It is important to note that this was the first time in the history of Roman occupation that the religious autonomy of the Jewish people was defied. It was a direct challenge to their principles and religious identity. The emperor’s proclamation was to be put in place by any means necessary. A time after Petronius’ arrival in the port city of Acre, he was met by tens of thousands of Jews who travelled from the countryside to petition him not to violate the laws of their forefathers. The resolve of the Jewish people was so strong that if Petronius was intent on erecting the statue of Caesar, they would willingly bare their necks and die rather than break their traditional laws. Noting the incredible dedication of the peasant crowds, Petronius elected to travel inland to Tiberias along the Sea of Galilee to survey the resolve and convictions of Jewish peasants there. There he was met with an even larger contingent of Jewish peasants willing to give their lives for their faith. They also proved unwilling to coax into war with Rome. For forty days they stayed in Tiberias, risking death before Petronius to prevent the construction of the monument. In addition to the dramatic sit-in, Jewish peasants across Judea chose to withdraw form society both economically and socially. Farmers completely abandoned planting fresh crops in spring. Petronius eventually wrote to  Caligula of his inability to erect the statue and his willingness to face the consequences. In face of what happened before to Flacus, this would have meant death for his incompetence.   Providentially, early in 41 CE  Caligula was assassinated in a historic conspiracy organized by his own imperial guard.

In this difficult time Jews were united and resolute in keeping our religious principles, and HaShem was on our side.

The new Roman emperor, Claudius. (41-54 CE), was better with the Jews. Claudius restored the autonomy of Judea and allowed the Jews to have their own king Agrippa. Agrippa (known also as “Herod Agrippas I”) was very respectful of the Tora and its laws and protected the Bet haMiqdash. His reign was remembered by the Jews as very positive and favorable. But it lasted only for three years.… Agrippa died in the year 44.

As we shall see in the next few days, after the death of Agrippa a very bitter and difficult period begins for Am Israel, which culminated in the destruction of Bet haMiqdash in the year 68 CE.

The original text from Philo (Notice that Philo calls Caligula “Gaius”).

XXXI. (207) And the letter respecting the erection of the statue was written not in plain terms, but with as much caution and prudence as possible, taking every measure which could tend to security; for he commands Petronius, the lieutenant and governor of all Syria, to whom indeed he wrote the letter, to lead half the army which was on the Euphrates, to guard against any passage of that river by any of the eastern kings or nations, into Judaea as an escort to the statue; not in order to honour its erection with any especial pomp, but to chastise with death any attempt that might be made to hinder it. (208) What sayest thou, O master? Are you making war upon us, because you anticipate that we will not endure such indignity, but that we will fight on behalf of our laws, and die in defence of our national customs? For you cannot possibly have been ignorant of what was likely to result from your attempt to introduce these innovations respecting our temple; but having previously learnt with perfect accuracy what was likely to happen as well as if it had already taken place, and knowing the future as thoroughly as if it were actually present, you commanded your general to bring up an army in order that the statue when erected might be consecrated by the first sacrifice offered to it, being of a most polluted kind, stained with the blood of miserable men and women. (209) Accordingly Petronius, when he had read what he was commanded to do in this letter, was in great perplexity, not being able to resist the orders sent to him out of fear, for he heard that the emperor’s wrath was implacable not only against those who did not do what they were commanded to do, but who did not do it in a moment; and on the other hand, he did not see how it was easy to perform them, for he knew that the Jews would willingly, if it were possible, endure ten thousand deaths instead of one, rather than submit to see any forbidden thing perpetrated with respect to their religion; (210) for all men are eager to preserve their own customs and laws, and the Jewish nation above all others; for looking upon their laws as oracles directly given to them by God himself, and having been instructed in this doctrine from their very earliest infancy they bear in their souls the images of the commandments contained in these laws as sacred; (211) and secondly, as they continually behold the visible shapes and forms of them, they admire and venerate them in their minds and they admit such foreigners as are disposed to honour and worship them, to do so no less than their own native fellow citizens. But all who attempt to violate their laws, or to turn them into ridicule, they detest as their bitterest enemies, and they look upon each separate one of the commandments with such awe and reverence that, whether one ought to call it the invariable good fortune or the happiness of the nation, they have never been guilty of the violation of even the most insignificant of them; (212) but above all other observances their zeal for their holy temple is the most predominant, and vehement, and universal feeling throughout the whole nation; and the greatest proof of this is that death is inexorably pronounced against all those who enter into the inner circuit of the sacred precincts (for they admit all men from every country into the exterior circuit), unless he be one of their own nation by blood. (213) Petronius, having regard to these considerations, was very reluctant to attempt what he was commanded to do, considering what a great and wicked piece of daring he should be committing, and invoking all the deliberative powers of his soul as to a council, he inquired into the opinion of each of them, and he found every faculty of his mind agreeing that he should change nothing of these observances and customs which had been hallowed from the beginning of the world; in the first place because of the natural principles of justice and piety by which they were dictated, and secondly because of the danger which threatened any attempt at innovation upon them, not only from God, but also from the people who would be insulted by such conduct. (214) He also gave a thought to the circumstances of the nation itself, to its exceeding populousness, so that it was not contained as every other nation was by the circuit of the one region which was allotted to it for itself, but so that, I may almost say, it had spread over the whole face of the earth; for it is diffused throughout every continent, and over every island, so that everywhere it appears but little inferior in number to the original native population of the country. (215) Was it not, then, a most perilous undertaking to draw upon himself such innumerable multitudes of enemies? And was there not danger of allies and friends from all quarters arriving to their assistance? It would be a result of very formidable danger and difficulty, besides the fact that the inhabitants of Judaea are infinite in numbers, and a nation of great stature and personal strength, and of great courage and spirit, and men who are willing to die in defence of their national customs and laws with unshrinking bravery, so that some of those who calumniate them say that their courage (as indeed is perfectly true) is beyond that of any barbarian nation, being the spirit of free and nobly born men. (216) And the state of all the nations which lie beyond the Euphrates added to his alarm; for he was aware that Babylon and many others of the satrapies of the east were occupied by the Jews, knowing this not merely by report but likewise by personal experience; for every year sacred messengers are sent to convey large amounts of gold and silver to the temple, which has been collected from all the subordinate governments, travelling over rugged, and difficult, and almost impassable roads, which they look upon as level and easy inasmuch as they serve to conduct them to piety. (217) Therefore, being exceedingly alarmed, as was very natural, lest if they heard of the unprecedented design of erecting this colossal statue in the temple, they might on a sudden direct their march that way and surround him, some on one side and some on the other, so as to hem him in completely, and co-operating with and joining one another might treat the enemy who would be thus enclosed in the midst of them with terrible severity, he hesitated long, attaching great weight to all these considerations. (218) Then again he was drawn in the opposite direction by considerations of a contrary character, saying to himself, “This is the command of one who is my master and a young man, and of one who judges everything which he wishes to have done to be expedient and becoming, and who is resolved that everything which he has once decided on shall be at once performed even though it may be the most injurious measure possible and full of all contention and insolence; and now having passed beyond all human nature he has actually recorded himself to be God; and great danger of my life impends over me whether I oppose him or whether I comply with his commands; if I comply with them the result will very probably be war, and one that perhaps may be attended with doubtful success and which will be far from turning out as it is expected to do; and if I oppose him I shall then be exposed to the open and implacable hatred of Gaius.” (219) And with this opinion of his, many of those Romans who were joined with him in the administration of the affairs of Syria coincided, knowing that the anger of Gaius and the punishments which he would inflict would come upon them first as being accomplices in the disobedience to the injunctions which he had sent; (220) but at last when it arrived the fashion of the statue afforded them a pretext for delay during which they might have time for a more deliberate consideration of the matter; for they did not send any man from Rome (as it appears to me because the providence of God overruled the matter in this way, who thus invisibly stayed the hand of these wicked doers), nor did he command the most skilful man or him who was accounted so in Syria to manage the matter, since while he was pressing on this lawless action with all speed a war was suddenly kindled. (221) Therefore having now opportunity to consider what course would be most advantageous (for when great events suddenly come altogether, they break down and perplex the mind), he commanded the statue to be made in some one of the bordering regions. (222) Therefore Petronius, sending for the most skilful and renowned artists in Phoenicia, gave them the materials requisite for the making of the statue; and they took them to Sidon, and there proceeded to make it. He also sent for the magistrates of the Jews and the priests and rulers of the people, both to announce to them the commands which he had received from Gaius and also to counsel them to submit cheerfully to the commands which had been imposed by their master, and to give due consideration to the dangers before their eyes; for that the most warlike of the military powers in Syria were all ready, and would soon cover all the country with dead bodies; (223) for he thought that if he could previously weaken their resolution he would be able by their means to work upon all the rest of the multitude and to persuade them not to oppose the will of the emperor; but, as was natural, he was wholly disappointed in his expectations; for it is said indeed that they were amazed at his first words, and that at first they were utterly overwhelmed by his announcement of their real danger and misery, and that they stood speechless and poured forth a ceaseless abundance of tears as if from a fountain, tearing their beards and the hair of their head, and saying, (224) “We who were formerly very fortunate, have now advanced through many events to an exceeding old age that we might at last behold what no one of our ancestors ever saw. With what eyes can we endure to look upon these things? Let them rather be torn out, and let our miserable lives and our afflicted existence be put an end to, before we behold such an evil as this, such an intolerable spectacle which it is impious to hear of or to conceive.”

XXXII. (225) In this way did they bewail their fate; but when the inhabitants of the holy city and of all the region round about heard of the design which was in agitation, they all arrayed themselves together as if at a concerted signal, their common misery having given them the word, and went forth in a body, and leaving their cities and their villages and their houses empty, they hastened with one accord into Phoenicia, for Petronius happened to be in that country at the moment. (226) And when some of the guards of Petronius saw a countless multitude hastening towards them they ran to their general to bring him the news, and to warn him to take precautions, as they expected war; and while they were relating to him what they had seen, he was still without any guards; and the multitude of the Jews suddenly coming upon him like a cloud, occupied the whole of Phoenicia, and caused great consternation among the Phoenicians who thus beheld the enormous population of the nation; (227) and at first so great an outcry was raised, accompanied with weeping and beating of the breast, that the very ears of those present could not endure the vastness of the noise; for it did not cease when they ceased, but continued to vibrate even after they were quiet: then there were approaches to the governor, and supplications addressed to him such as the occasion suggested; for calamities are themselves teachers of what should be done in an existing emergency. And the multitude was divided into six companies, one of old men, one of young men, one of boys; and again in their turn one band of aged matrons, one of women in the prime of life, and one of virgins; (228) and when Petronius appeared at a distance all the ranks, as they had been appointed, fell to the ground, uttering a most doleful; howling and lamentation, mingled with supplications. But when he commanded them to rise up, and to come nearer to him, they would for a long time hardly consent to rise, and scattering abundance of dust upon their heads, and shedding abundance of tears, they put both their hands behind them like captives who are fettered in this way, and thus they approached him. (229) Then the body of the old men, standing before him, addressed him in the following terms: “We are, as you see, without any arms, but yet as we passed along some persons have accused us as being enemies, but even the very weapons of defence with which nature has provided each individual, namely our hands, we have averted from you, and placed in a position where they can do nothing, offering our bodies freely an easy aim to any one who desires to put us to death. (230) We have brought unto you our wives, and our children, and our whole families, and in your person we will prostrate ourselves before Gaius, having left not one single person at home, that you may either preserve us all, or destroy us all together by one general and complete destruction. Petronius, we are a peaceful nation, both by our natural disposition and by our determined intentions, and the education which has been industriously and carefully instilled into us has taught us this lesson from our very earliest infancy. (231) When Gaius assumed the imperial power we were the first people in all Syria to congratulate him, Vitellius at that time being in our city, from whom you received the government as his successor, to whom writings concerning these matters were sent, and the happy news proceeding onwards from our city, where it had been received with joy, reached the other cities with similar acceptance. (232) Ours was the first temple which received sacrifices for the happy reign of Gaius. Did it do so that it might be the first or the only temple to be deprived of its customary modes of worship? “We have now left our cities, we have abandoned our houses and our possessions, we will cheerfully contribute to you all our furniture, all our cattle, and all our treasures, everything in short which belongs to us, as a willing booty. We shall think that we are receiving them, not giving them up. We only ask one thing instead of and to counterbalance all of them, namely, that no innovations may take place in respect of our temple, but that it may be kept such as we have received it from our fathers and our forefathers. (233) And if we cannot prevail with you in this, then we offer up ourselves for destruction, that we may not live to behold a calamity more terrible and grievous than death. We hear that great forces of infantry and cavalry are being prepared by you against us, if we oppose the erection and dedication of this statue. No one is so mad as, when he is a slave, to oppose his master. We willingly and readily submit ourselves to be put to death; let your troops slay us, let them sacrifice us, let them cut us to pieces unresisting and uncontending, let them treat us with every species of cruelty that conquerers can possibly practise, (234) but what need is there of any army? We ourselves, admirable priests for the purpose, will begin the sacrifice, bringing to the temple our wives and slaying our wives, bringing our brothers and sisters and becoming fratricides, bringing our sons and our daughters, that innocent and guiltless age, and becoming infanticides. Those who endure tragic calamities must needs make use of tragic language. (235) Then standing in the middle of our victims, having bathed ourselves deeply in the blood of our kinsfolk (for such blood will be the only bath which we shall have wherewith to cleanse ourselves for the journey to the shades below), we will mingle our own blood with it, slaughtering ourselves upon their bodies. (236) And when we are dead, let this commandment be inscribed over us as an epitaph, ‘Let not even God blame us, who have had a due regard to both considerations, pious loyalty towards the emperor and the reverential preservation of our established holy laws.’ “And this will be what will be deservedly said of us if we give up our miserable life, holding it in proper contempt. (237) We have heard of a most ancient tradition, which has been handed down throughout Greece by their historians, who have affirmed that the head of the Gorgon had such mighty power, that those who beheld it immediately became stones and rocks. But this appears only to be a fiction and fable, the truth being that great, and unexpected, and wonderful events do often bring after them great disaster; for instance, the anger of a master causes death, or calamities equivalent to death. (238) “Do you suppose (may God forbid that any such event should ever take place) that if any of our countrymen were to see this statue being brought into our temple, it would not change them into stones? Their limbs being all congealed, and their eyes becoming fixed so as not to be capable of motion, and their whole body losing all its natural motions in every one of its united parts and limbs! (239) We will, however, now, O Petronius, address to you one last and most righteous and just request; we say that you ought not to do what you are commanded, but we entreat you to grant us a respite, and we most earnestly supplicate you to delay a little while till we appoint an embassy, and send it to approach your master, and to convey our entreaties to him. (240) Perhaps in our embassy we may find some argument or other to persuade him, either by bringing before him all the considerations respecting the honour of God, or the preservation of our indestructible and unalterable laws, or by urging upon him that we ought not to be subjected to a worse fate than all the nations even in the very most remote extremities of the earth, who have been allowed to preserve their national customs; with reference to which his grandfather and great-grandfather came to a righteous decision when they confirmed and set the seal to our customs with all care. (241) Perhaps when he hears these arguments he will be more merciful to us. The intentions of the great do not always continue the same, and those which are adopted in anger are the quickest to change. We have been grievously calumniated. Suffer us to refute the false accusations which have been brought against us. It is hard to be condemned without being heard in our own defence. (242) “And if we fail to convince him, what will after that prevent him from doing the things which he at present intends to do? Until, then, we have sent this embassy, do not cut off all the hopes of so many myriads of men, since our zeal and earnestness is displayed not in the cause of gain, but in that of religion; though indeed we speak foolishly in using such an expression as that, for what can be a more real and beneficial gain to them than holiness?”

XXXIII. (243) They uttered these complaints and entreaties with great agony and misery of soul, with exceeding sobbing and difficulty of speech, for all their limbs sweated with apprehension, and their ceaseless tears flowed in torrents, so that all who heard them, and Petronius himself, sympathised with their sorrow, for he was by nature a man very kind and gentle in his natural disposition, so that he was easily influenced by what was now said or heard; and what was said appeared to be entirely just, and the misery of those whom he now beheld appeared most pitiable; (244) and rising up, and retiring with his fellow counsellors, he took counsel as to what he ought to do, and he saw that those who a short time before opposed the wishes of the Jews with all their might were now wavering and perplexed, and that those who had previously been hesitating were now for the most part inclined to compassion, at which he was pleased. Nevertheless, though he was well acquainted with the disposition of the emperor, and how implacable and inexorable he was in his anger, (245) he still had himself some sparks of the Jewish philosophy and piety, since he had long ago learnt something of it by reason of his eagerness for learning, and had studied it still more ever since he had come as governor of the countries in which there are vast numbers of Jews scattered over every city of Asia and Syria; or partly because he was so disposed in his mind from his spontaneous, and natural, and innate inclination for all things which are worthy of care and study. Moreover, God himself appears often to suggest virtuous ideas to virtuous men, by which, while benefiting others, they will likewise be benefited themselves, which now was the case with Petronius. What then was his resolution? (246) Not to hurry on the artists, but to persuade them to continue to finish the statue which they had in hand, taking pains and labouring as far as might be possible not to be inferior to the most renowned models, but to take plenty of time, so as to make their work perfect, since things which are done in a hurry are very often inferior, but things which are done with great pains and skill require a length of time. (247) But the embassy which they entreated leave to send he determined not to permit, for he considered that it would not be safe for him to allow it; still he determined not to oppose those who wished to refer the whole matter to the supreme sovereign and master, but neither to agree with nor to contradict the multitude, for he considered that either line of conduct was fraught with danger. (248) Moreover, he determined to write a letter to Gaius, not in any respect accusing the Jews, and on the other hand not giving any accurate account of their entreaties and supplications, and to explain the delay which was taking place in the erection of the statue, partly because the preparation of it required a certain space of time for its completion, and partly, he reminded him, that the season of the year was in some degree the cause of unavoidable delay, in which there was no question but that Gaius must of necessity acquiesce, (249) for it was just at that moment the very height of the wheat harvest and of all the other cereal crops; and he said that he was afraid lest out of despair of the preservation of their national and hereditary laws and customs, the men might conceive such a contempt for life as either themselves to lay waste their lands, or to burn all the corn-bearing district, whether mountainous or champaign country, and, therefore, that he might require a guard to secure a careful gathering in of the crops, and that not only of such as were borne on the arable land but of those produced by fruitbearing trees; (250) for he himself was intending, as is said, to sail to Alexandria in Egypt, but so great a general did not choose to cross the open sea both by reason of the danger and also of the numerous fleet which would be required as his escort, and also from his regard for his own person, as everything requisite for his comfort would be more easily provided if he took the circuitous route through Asia and Syria; (251) for he would, if he coasted along, be able to sail every day and land every night, especially if he took with him a sufficient number of ships of war, and not transports, in which a coasting voyage is more successful, just as one across the open sea is better for merchantmen. (252) Therefore it was necessary that abundant quantities of forage and food should be prepared for his cattle in every one of the Syrian cities, and especially in all such as were on the coast, for a numerous multitude would be proceeding both by land and sea, collected not only from Rome itself and from Italy, but that which had also followed him from all the other provinces of the empire as far as Syria, being partly the regular guard of the magistrates, and partly the regular army of infantry and cavalry, and the naval force, and also a troops of servants but little inferior in number to the army. (253) Moreover, there was need not only of such an abundance of supplies as might be sufficient for all necessary purposes, but also for all the superfluous prodigality of which Gaius was fond. If he reads these writings perhaps he will not only not be angry, but will be even pleased with our prudential caution, as having caused this delay not from any regard for the Jews, but for the sake of providing for the collection of the harvest.

XXXIV. (254) And when his assessors had delivered their opinions, he commanded letters to be written, and appointed active men, who were accustomed to make rapid journey, to convey them. And they, when they had arrived at their journey’s end, delivered the letters; but the emperor, before he had finished reading them, became swollen with anger, and went on making marks at every page, in fury and indignation; (255) and when he had come to the end of the letter, he clapped his hands together, saying, “Of a truth, Petronius, you seem but little to comprehend that you are the subject of the emperor; the uninterrupted series of governments to which you have been preferred have filled you with guile. Up to the present time it seems to me that you have no notion of acknowledging that you know, even by hearsay, that Gaius is emperor, but you shall very speedily find it out by your own experience, (256) for you are careful about the laws of the Jews, a nation which I hate above every other, and you are indifferent about the imperial commands of your sovereign. You fear the multitude. Had you not with you then the military forces which all the eastern nations, and the chief of them all, the Parthians, fear? (257) But you pitied them, you paid more attention to feelings of compassion than to the express commands of Gaius. “Make your pretext of the harvest, but you yourself shall soon find that you have brought on your own head a punishment which cannot be averted by any pretexts of excuses. Blame the necessity for collecting the crops, and for making adequate provision for my armies, for even if a complete scarcity were to oppress Judaea, still are there not vast regions on its borders of great fertility and productiveness, sufficient and able to supply all necessary food, and to make up for the deficiency of one district? (258) But why do I speak in this way before acting? And why is there no one who anticipates my intentions? He who delays shall first find out that he is receiving the wages of his delay by suffering in his own person. I will say no more, but I shall not forget the matter.” (259) And after a brief interval, he dictated to one of his secretaries an answer to Petronius, praising him in appearance for his prudence, and for his careful and accurate consideration of the future, for he was very careful with respect to the governors of the provinces, seeing that they had at all times great facilities for making innovations or revolutions, especially if they happened to be in districts of importance, and in command of powerful armies such as was on the Euphrates for the protection of Syria. (260) Therefore, being very civil to him in words and in his letters, he concealed his anger till a favourable opportunity, though he was very much exasperated; but at the end of the letter, after having mentioned every other subject, he desired him not to be so anxious about anything as about the speedy erection and dedication of the statue, for that by this time the harvest must have been able to be got in, whether the excuse was originally an honest and true or only a plausible one.

XXXV. (261) However a short time afterwards King Agrippa arrived in Rome, according to custom, to pay his respects to Gaius, and he knew absolutely nothing either of what Petronius had written in his letter, or of what Gaius had written in his first or second epistle, but by his irregular motions and agitations, and by the excitement which shone in his eyes, he conjectured that he had some anger smouldering beneath, and he considered, and pondered, and turned over every matter in every direction, racking his brain for every reason, whether great or small, to see whether he had said or done anything unbecoming, (262) and when he felt sure that he had done absolutely nothing, he conjectured, as was natural, that it was some one else with whom he was offended. But again, when he saw that he looked morosely at him, and that he kept his eyes continually fixed on him, and on no one else who was ever present, he began to be alarmed, and though he often thought of putting the question to him, he restrained himself, reflecting in this manner: “Perhaps by doing so I may draw down on myself the threats which as it is are destined for others, by bringing upon myself a suspicion of being a busybody, and a rash and audacious man.” (263) Therefore, when Gaius saw that he was in a state of great alarm and perplexity, for he was very acute at comprehending a man’s inmost designs and feelings from his outward appearance and expression of countenance, he said, “You are embarrassed, O Agrippa. I will relieve you from your perplexity. (264) Though you have lived with me for such a length of time, are you yet ignorant that I speak not only with my voice, but also with my eyes, intimating everything, to say the least of it, as much in one way as in the other? (265) Your loyal and excellent fellow citizens, the only nation of men upon the whole face of the earth by whom Gaius is not esteemed to be a god, appear now to be even desiring to plot my death in their obstinate disobedience, for when I commanded my statue in the character of Jupiter to be erected in their temple, they raised the whole of their people, and quitted the city and the whole country in a body, under pretence of addressing a petition to me, but in reality being determined to act in a manner contrary to the commands which I had imposed upon them.” (266) And when he was about to add other charges against them Agrippa fell into such a state of grief that he changed into all sorts of colours, becoming at the same moment bloodshot, and pale, and livid, (267) for he was all over agitation and trembling from the top of his head down to his feet, and a quivering and shaking seized upon and disordered all his limbs and every member of his body, all his sinews, and muscles, and nerves being relaxed and enfeebled, so that he fainted away, and would have fallen down if some of the bystanders had not supported him. And they being commanded to carry him home, bore him to his palace, where he lay for some time in a state of torpor without any one understanding what sudden misfortune had brought him into this state. (268) Therefore Gaius was exasperated still more against our nation, and cherished a more furious anger against us than before, “For,” said he, “if Agrippa, who is my most intimate and dearest friend, and one bound to me by so many benefits, is to completely under the influence of his national customs that he cannot bear even to hear a word against them, but faints away to such a degree as to be near dying, what must one expect will be the feelings of others who have no motive or influence to draw them the other way?” (269) Agrippa, then, during all that day and the greater portion of the next day, lay in a state of profound stupor, being completely unconscious of everything that passed; but about evening he raised his head a little, and for a short time opened, though with difficulty, his languid eyes, and with dim and indistinct vision looked upon the people who surrounded him, though he was not as yet able to distinguish clearly between their several forms and features; (270) and then again relapsing into sleep, he became tranquil, getting into a better condition than at first, as those about him could conjecture from his breathing and from the state of his body. (271) And afterwards, when he awoke again, and rose up, by asked, “Where now am I? Am I with Gaius? Is my lord himself here?” And they replied, “Be of good cheer; you are by yourself in your own palace. (272) Gaius is not here. You have now had a sufficient tranquil sleep, but now turn and raise yourself, and rest upon your elbow, and recognise those who are about you; they are all your own people, those of your friends, and freedmen, and domestics, who honour you above all others, and who are honoured by you in return.” (273) And he, for he was now beginning to recover from his state of stupefaction, saw feelings of sympathy in every one’s face, and when his physicians ordered most of them to leave the room, that they might refresh his body with anointing and seasonable food, (274) “Go,” said he, “for you must by all means take care that I may have a more carefully regulated way of life, for it is not sufficient for me, unfortunate man that I am, to ward off hunger by a bare, and scanty, and economical, and precise use of necessary food; nor should I have attended to any such matters if it had not been my object to provide my miserable nation with the last resource which my mind suggests to me by way of assisting it.” (275) Accordingly, he, shedding abundance of tears, and eating just what was necessary without any sauce or seasoning, and drinking no mixed wine but only tasting water, soon left off eating. “My miserable stomach,” said he, “recoils from the things which it demanded; and now what ought I do to but address myself to Gaius with respect to existing circumstances?”

As we explained last time, man unlike animals, was initially created alone, without a female mate. When man, Adam, sees the animals he realizes two things: 1. That he does not have a mate, like all animals. 2. And that he is a different being, with intelligence. And therefore, the mate he needs (and according to the Sages: “for which the man prays for”) still does not exist. Then the Creator (according to the Sages: at the request of man) fashions a woman.

לא טוב היות אדם לבדו

“It is not good for man to be alone …” Genesis 2:18

In the second chapter of Bereshit (Genesis) the Tora narrates in more detail the creation of man and woman. The Tora explains that the Creator initially created Adam,  man, alone, without a woman, and only at a later stage He created Eve, the woman.

MAN and WOMAN: WHO IS SUPERIOR?

This order in Creation does not establish or suggest a level of superiority of man. Actually you could argue the opposite. 1. In the Creation account we see a sort of  “evolution” from the least sophisticated to the most sophisticated. First HaShem creates matter: atoms. Then with the atoms He creates the atmosphere and the continents. Only at the end of the Third Day of Creation we see the appearance of the first cells with the creation of plants. On the Fifth DayHaShem brought to existence oviparous animals: insects, birds, fish, reptiles, amphibians. On the Sixth Day HaShem creates mammals, creatures that are superior to the oviparous(warm blood, more complex brain, milk production, etc.). At the end of the Sixth Day HaShem creates man, a mammal but with a higher-Divine element: intelligence. The woman appears at the end. The last Divine creation, which suggests a higher lever of design (ויבן את האשה). The Sages explained that the woman was created with bina yetera, a superior intelligence. 2. Man was created from a “lower” source, the dust of the earth, just like mammals. The woman, and only the woman, was created from a living body, a source “superior” to the dust of the earth.

SPECIAL DELIVERY

There is another very important lesson learned from the order in which the first woman was created. In Bereshit 2:18-20, the Creator shows man the animals. Adam, the first man, is invited to name the animals, thus, recognizing them as a different category of being. The famous biblical commentator Radaq explains that this encounter between Adam and the animals served Adam to recognize himself as a being who, unlike all others, has a superior “divine” element: his spirit, his intelligence. And in addition, although the sexual element still does not appear in this context, Adam also recognized “gender”, masculine and feminine, in the animals. Radaq  says that it was only after (or thanks to) this encounter that Adam realized that he was alone. The Tora Alone in two senses. 1. Man did not find among the animals a “company” (עזר), that is, someone else, of a different kind, but “on a similar level” (כנגדו), in other words, someone on the same mental level as him and with the ability to think and choose. The encounter with the animals helped Adam to understand simultaneously his singularity and his solitude. Perhaps this is the reason why HaShem did not create woman at the same time as man. So that man can come to realize for himself, thanks to his Divine intelligence, that he needs a company. And that this company (or companion) does not yet exist.  The woman was not imposed by God on man. It was the man who asked HaShem to create the woman. The Rabbis of the Midrash expressed this deep idea explaining that after meeting the animals Adam prayed (this was the first prayer!) And asked HaShem a companion at his level. HaShem made man realize that it is not good for him to be alone. Thus, even before a woman existed, Adam already desires that special someone, a woman, next to him.

הפכת מספדי למחול לי